Ten years ago, parts of the Turkish military attempted to overthrow the government of President Erdogan. The consequences of the failed coup continue to shape Turkey to this day. A look back.It was the evening of July 15, 2016. A warm summer day was coming to an end. Many people were spending their Friday evening with friends or family, looking forward to the weekend. There was nothing to suggest that Turkey was about to be fundamentally transformed. Then, just a few hours later, tanks were rolling through the streets. Fighter jets flying over Ankara and Istanbul. Soldiers blocking the Bosphorus Bridge, the link between Europe and Asia. The parliament in Ankara came under fire. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan called on the public via a video call broadcast to take to the streets and stop the coup. The coup attempt failed that very night, but its political consequences continue to influence the country to this day. July 15, now a national holiday The Turkish government blamed the Gulen movement for the coup attempt. Its founder, the Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen, was once considered a close ally of Erdogan. Together, they played a key role in curbing the political influence of the Turkish military and expanding Erdogan's power. Later, the alliance fell apart. By 2016, Gulen had been living in exile in the United States for years. The government accused Gulen of having infiltrated the judiciary, police, military, and other state institutions with followers over decades in an effort to undermine the state. Gulen and his followers denied any involvement in the coup. Many high-ranking military officials with alleged ties to Gulen were arrested. Gulen died aged 83 in the US in 2024. In Turkey, July 15 is now a national holiday. The former Bosphorus Bridge was renamed the "Bridge of the Martyrs of July 15." It commemorates the people who lost their lives that night. According to official figures, 253 people died, most of them civilians. Many streets, squares and schools also bear the name "July 15". However, the anniversary is not just about commemorating the victims. It also marks a profound political turning point. The Gulen movement was designated a terrorist organization, and its alleged supporters were largely extracted from the state apparatus. Six days after the coup, parliament approved a state of emergency. It was initially limited to three months but was extended seven times and did not end until July 19, 2018. During those two years, the president governed largely by emergency decrees, issuing 32 decrees in total. The consequences of these political purges have been enormous. More than 125,000 members of the civil service and the armed forces were dismissed. According to official figures, approximately 390,000 people had been detained or arrested between 2016 and 2025 on suspicion of ties to the Gulen movement. About 113,000 were placed in pretrial detention. In addition, 2,761 institutions — including schools, associations, foundations, and media outlets — were closed. 4,130 people were sentenced to life imprisonment or aggravated life imprisonment for alleged involvement in the coup. Turkey's 'extremely centralized structure' The political scientist Ersin Kalaycioglu says effects of the state of emergency continue to this day. Although it was formally lifted in 2018, he notes that its practices have "become institutionalized to a certain extent." The state has undergone a permanent shift. In particular, the frequent use of decrees has led to an "extremely centralized structure," he told DW. The public administration has also undergone a fundamental overhaul. According to Kalaycioglu, bureaucracy has evolved from an apparatus with its own professional standards and scientific expertise into an administration that primarily implements political directives. Opposition parties further accuse the government of having expanded the purges far beyond the Gulen movement. In addition to alleged Gulen supporters, critics of the government were also affected by dismissals and criminal proceedings. Politically, the coup attempt also accelerated the rapprochement between Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the ultra-nationalist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). With their support, the government was able to push through a constitutional referendum in 2017. The result: Turkey shifted from a parliamentary to a presidential system. The office of prime minister was abolished, and the president's executive powers were significantly expanded. Critics have since referred to it as a "one-man system." Kalaycioglu describes the constitutional amendment as a fundamental regime change. He argues that the political system has evolved into a "neopatrimonial sultanism" a term referring to a form of government in which political power is heavily concentrated in the hands of a single individual and key decisions depend largely on the president. The presidential system also transformed the opposition. With an absolute majority required for the presidency, opposition parties began forming electoral alliances and fielding joint candidates. This strategy paid off: In the 2019 local elections — and again in 2024 — the opposition party, the Republican People's Party (CHP), won the mayoral races in the country's two largest cities, Istanbul and Ankara. However, many of these opposition politicians are now under investigation or face terrorism-related allegations. Among the most well-known cases is that of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, who is considered Erdogan's main political challenger and has faced criminal prosecution following his re-election victory. This article was originally published in German.